NOT LONG AGO Labour Party legislator Lee Cheuk-yan, Occupy Central organiser Reverend Chu Yiu-ming and Alliance for True Democracy convenor Joseph Cheng went to Taiwan, where they met former chairman of the Democratic Progressive Party Shih Ming-teh and some others. With them they talked about Occupy Central. They have therefore been slammed by pro-Beijing newspapers and even been condemned by pro-establishment legislators in a jointly signed statement. Those in the pro-Beijing camp probably believe they will prevail in the constitutional- reform struggle if they frustrate Occupy Central, which is therefore a target of their venom. They closely watch its initiators' movements and attack them at every opportunity with a view to weakening popular support for the campaign, as evidenced by the criticisms pro-Beijing newspapers have hurled at the pan-democrats for what they did in Taiwan. Therefore, what Occupy Central initiators ought to do now is to manage properly their dealings with "outside forces" and do what is most favourable to Occupy Central. Lee and the others say they had only ordinary exchanges in Taiwan. However, Shih mentioned a round-table conference on Occupy Central and even said people would be sent to the territory to take part in the campaign. Clearly, what passed between them was not just exchanges of ideas. An action plan was actually touched upon. Therefore, though pro- Beijing newspapers' denouncement of them smacks of a reckless attempt to exaggerate what they deem to be their fault, it is actually hard to negate what is apparently a mingling of Occupy Central and taidu (Taiwan's independence). Beijing is ultra-sensitive about taidu. A veteran taidu advocate and chief commander of the red shirt army in the 2006 campaign to topple Chen Shui-bian, Shih has considerable experience in mass struggle. It would indeed be odd if Beijing failed to react strongly to such a person's involvement in Occupy Central. Of course, pan-democrats do not have to observe Beijing's "countenance" in taking action. However, as Occupy Central is considered a strong bargaining counter, they should put what is most favourable to it before everything else. We believe few would agree with pan-democrats if the y judge an Occupy Central-taidu mingling favourable to the campaign, for most citizens are convinced that it would draw even severer blows from Beijing and thwart Hong Kong people's fight for universal suffrage. Furthermore, the generality of Hong Kong people are averse to taidu. They would find an Occupy Central-taidu mingling unacceptable. Since the reality is such that taidu advocates' involvement in the campaign would drive people away from it,Occupy Central initiators must hasten to declare their position and make a clean break with taidu advocates. Matters concerning Occupy Central being sensitive, its initiators must properly handle their dealings with "outside forces". Some in the pro-Beijing camp have kept giving out that "foreign forces" are trying to gain control of the SAR through the agency of democrats. Such a conspiracy theory hardly sells with Hong Kong people, but the effects it may have on Beijing's policymaking must not be ignored. Beijing has recently reacted strongly to comments on Hong Kong's constitutional reform made by new US Consul General in Hong Kong Clifford A Hart and UK Minister of State for the Foreign Office Hugo Swire, and it is now a concern whether such comments may persuade Beijing to become tougher on Hong Kong's constitutional reform. Therefore, pan-democrats had better keep at arm's length Americans, Britons and taidu advocates who express concern for their own benefit. This is areality in Hong Kong we cannot but live with. 泛民赴台涉佔中的政治意涵 工黨主席李卓人、佔中發起人之一朱耀明、真普選聯盟召集人鄭宇碩到訪台灣，與前任民進黨主席施明德等人會面，觸及佔中議題，被親中輿論圍攻，連立法會建制派議員也聯署強烈批評。有關特首普選安排爭議，親中陣營大概認為只要鬥倒「佔中」，就等同在這次政改鬥爭中獲勝，所以，佔中已經成為�矢之的，親中陣營會用放大鏡檢視佔中的一切動向，藉機發動攻勢，以削弱公�對佔中的支持，今次親中報章連日猛批泛民3 人的台灣之行，就確切反映這種情�。因此，恰當處理與外部力量的關係，做對佔中運動最有利的事，是現階段佔中發起人要處理好的問題。 李卓人等人訪台，他們雖然說是一般交流，不過，施明德提到就佔中舉行圓桌會議，更表示會派人來港參加佔中，討論顯非一般理念交換那麼簡單，而是涉及具體行動部署。所以，親中輿論的抨擊，雖然有無限上綱上線之嫌，但是客觀上佔中與台獨合流的表象，卻難以撇清。 北京對台獨極其敏感，施明德是老台獨，2006 年曾經在「倒扁」一役，擔任紅衫軍的總指揮，群�運動鬥爭經驗極其豐富，這樣一名人物若介入佔中，若北京不強烈反應，才是奇怪的事。當然，泛民中人毋須看北京臉色行事，只是佔中既然被認為是有力籌碼，則一應做法，都應以對佔中最有利為大前提。若泛民陣營研判與台獨合流，有利佔中，相信許多人不敢苟同，因為一般認定不單招來北京更強力打壓，對爭取普選會起到反效果。�且，港人普遍對台獨無好感，若佔中與台獨合流，港人勢難接受，佔中將會流失不少支持。從香港實際情�出發，佔中若引入台獨，必然是「趕客」，所以，佔中發起人須盡快澄清，與台獨劃清界線。 基於佔中議題敏感，發起人必須小心處理與外部力量的關係。親中陣營有人不斷散播外國勢力要假借民主派來控制香港，這種陰謀論，在港鮮有市場，但是不能忽視對京官決策時的影響；近期，新任美國駐港總領事夏千福、英國外交及聯邦事務部國務大臣施維爾分別談及本港政改，北京都強烈反應，會否影響北京對政改寬緊的取態，已經成為懸念。所以，對美國、英國、台獨「抽水式」的關注和關心，泛民人士還是應該保持距離，敬而遠之。這是香港現實的無奈。 G lossary frustrate /fr ?'stre �t/prevent something from happening orsucceedingcountenance /'ka �nt ?n ?ns/a person's face or expressionaverse tonot liking something or wanting to do something 英語社評聲檔english.mingpao.com/critic.htm儲存
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